Human Rights Watch pleaded the government not to send any Rohingya to Bhasanchar, a remote island in Bay of Bengal. The island has been developed to accommodate Rohingyas. However, HRW and other human rights organizations claim that part of it is submerged during Monsoon and the island is not ready for relocation of the Rohingyas. In response, government says it has spent $300 million dollars to build accommodation in the island and the condition there far better than the one prevails in the camps of Cox's Bazaar.
Government can accentuate the Rohingyas to move there. Government has to ensure that Rohingyas will have the liberty to move to and fro between Bhasanchar and Cox's Bazaar. I think one of the plus side for Rohingyas to move to Bhasanchar is that the community will get land to till and permission for pisciculture.
But many do not assent to such scheme. Government reiterates that only the willing one will be taken to Bhasanchar. That is an appreciable move. Harsh weather conditions during the Monsoon and losing touch with the fellow Rohingyas at Cox's Bazaar camps may inhibit the Rohingyas shifting to Bhasanchar. To dispel the fear, government can spread the information of steps it has taken to make Bhasanchar liveable and the incentives the Rohingyas will receive once they decide to go there. One optimistic sign is that PM's international advisor in a TV talk show invited press to see firsthand how safe Bhasanchar is for the Rohingyas.
Another matter about the Rohingya crisis that garnered lots of attention is government's reaction to role of NGOs working on Rohingya issues. Recently, a minister lambasted the NGOs for paying hotel bills of Tk 1500 million and not doing enough for the Rohingyas. He even drew attention of local agencies to bring their operations under stricter scrutiny. I was perplexed by the comment. As far as I know, it is the NGO Affairs Bureau that is charged with clearing the funds for NGOs. Had there been any anomalies in NGO operations, this NGO bureau would have withheld /blocked the funds. But that did not happen. Moreover, it is the Bangladesh Army that is coordinating the relief efforts. So the point is government cannot brush aside the responsibilities for mismanagement of Rohingya fund. Couple of months before the recent allegations , government often accused international community for not fulfilling its pledge to fund Rohingya relief effort. When there is fund for this year, it has brought this allegation. Ambiguity in government policy decision regarding Rohingya relief efforts befuddled many observers at home and abroad.
Since its steps so far created lots of confusion about their success, government can bring a bill into parliament regarding Rohingyas' status and their future in this country. In broader sense it will dispel ambiguities in policies and offer a clear roadmap about the future of Rohingyas in this country.
Mostly it will help Rohingyas fending off uncertainties. I have been arguing for this Rohingya bill for a long time. If there were a bill, Rohingya would avail some facilities, ensure their refugee status and have complete control over their resources and property. For instance, at the present situation there is in no way they can do business in this country, they cannot open bank account, get trade licence, rent lend and sell their harvest in the market. They depend on government , armed forces and mercy of the local population. That makes their situation more precarious and leads them to flee camps and melt into the local population hiding their identity.
A Rohingya Bill will assuage their vulnerability because the bill will guarantee their refugee identity and secure their interests. They will live with that identity in this country as long as a safe return to the Rakhine State is not ensured. The bill in a sense will inhibit them hiding their true identity.
In addition, the bill begets new aid promises and trade concession from development partner countries.
At the end of the day dignified return of the Rohingyas and creation of safe livelihoods matter most. By the same token, improvement of trade relations between Myanmar and Bangladesh is also quintessential. Since we house a large part of the Myanmar muslim population , providing them sustenance is also Myanmar government's responsibility. As the world awaits the doldrums in Rakhine State to subside, Myanmar government can allot plots of arable lands to Bangladeshi commercial farmers and allow them to sell the produce to Bangladesh. At the same time it can allow small number of peasant Rohingyas to till lands stretching across the border in Rakhine State and far from the conflict zone. Similarly, trading activities on both sides of the borders need to be augmented manifolds. It is a good sign that trade relations has recently resumed through Teknaf port since fierce fighting between warring parties halted trade in January.
However, Rohingya crisis may balk improving bilateral relations. Bangladesh can take cue from Myanmar neighbors. Thailand, India and China have all housing ethnic groups of Myanmar as a result of hostile situation prevailing in their native lands. Moreover, there have been reports of recent border skirmishes between Myanmar forces and its neighbors. But the issues never impede trade relations. Many of them sell arms to Myanmar and Thailand, which is housing ethnic groups of Myanmar more than a decade and a victim of Myanmar amphetamine attack like us, honored visiting Myanmar Army Chief with the country's military award.
Bangladesh already inked a bilateral deal with Myanmar regarding Rohingya issues. While the UN works on atrocities purported on the Rohingyas, Bangladesh can stick to this deal and explore ways to improve trade relations with Myanmar. Granting commercial farming activities to Bangladeshi farms inside Myanmar could be one. By the same token, Myanmar Generals whose hands are clean of Rohingya blood or businessmen may be allowed to have a paltry presence in our special economic zones. And improved trade ties can later be used to dismantle the drug infrastructure built across the Bangladesh-Myanmar border and facilitate any initiative to return of the Rohingyas.
As Rohingya cause has already cast a shadow over the bilateral relations, a certain quarter will try to call into question the thawing trade relations. Rohingya crisis is getting favorable coverage in international media. Let international community try the soldiers responsible for genocide. Our cardinal objective is the safe and dignified return of Rohingyas to Myanmar. Rapprochement between Myanmar and Bangladesh can make it happen. The feverish pitch of anti-Myanmar cry will bring us nothing.
For that reason, it is imperative that we forge stronger ties with all the quarters of civil and military leadership of Myanmar. Stronger trade ties have built-in ingredients to diffuse tension. It happened earlier in other parts of the world. I do not see any reason why it may not happen here.
Government can accentuate the Rohingyas to move there. Government has to ensure that Rohingyas will have the liberty to move to and fro between Bhasanchar and Cox's Bazaar. I think one of the plus side for Rohingyas to move to Bhasanchar is that the community will get land to till and permission for pisciculture.
But many do not assent to such scheme. Government reiterates that only the willing one will be taken to Bhasanchar. That is an appreciable move. Harsh weather conditions during the Monsoon and losing touch with the fellow Rohingyas at Cox's Bazaar camps may inhibit the Rohingyas shifting to Bhasanchar. To dispel the fear, government can spread the information of steps it has taken to make Bhasanchar liveable and the incentives the Rohingyas will receive once they decide to go there. One optimistic sign is that PM's international advisor in a TV talk show invited press to see firsthand how safe Bhasanchar is for the Rohingyas.
Another matter about the Rohingya crisis that garnered lots of attention is government's reaction to role of NGOs working on Rohingya issues. Recently, a minister lambasted the NGOs for paying hotel bills of Tk 1500 million and not doing enough for the Rohingyas. He even drew attention of local agencies to bring their operations under stricter scrutiny. I was perplexed by the comment. As far as I know, it is the NGO Affairs Bureau that is charged with clearing the funds for NGOs. Had there been any anomalies in NGO operations, this NGO bureau would have withheld /blocked the funds. But that did not happen. Moreover, it is the Bangladesh Army that is coordinating the relief efforts. So the point is government cannot brush aside the responsibilities for mismanagement of Rohingya fund. Couple of months before the recent allegations , government often accused international community for not fulfilling its pledge to fund Rohingya relief effort. When there is fund for this year, it has brought this allegation. Ambiguity in government policy decision regarding Rohingya relief efforts befuddled many observers at home and abroad.
Since its steps so far created lots of confusion about their success, government can bring a bill into parliament regarding Rohingyas' status and their future in this country. In broader sense it will dispel ambiguities in policies and offer a clear roadmap about the future of Rohingyas in this country.
Mostly it will help Rohingyas fending off uncertainties. I have been arguing for this Rohingya bill for a long time. If there were a bill, Rohingya would avail some facilities, ensure their refugee status and have complete control over their resources and property. For instance, at the present situation there is in no way they can do business in this country, they cannot open bank account, get trade licence, rent lend and sell their harvest in the market. They depend on government , armed forces and mercy of the local population. That makes their situation more precarious and leads them to flee camps and melt into the local population hiding their identity.
A Rohingya Bill will assuage their vulnerability because the bill will guarantee their refugee identity and secure their interests. They will live with that identity in this country as long as a safe return to the Rakhine State is not ensured. The bill in a sense will inhibit them hiding their true identity.
In addition, the bill begets new aid promises and trade concession from development partner countries.
At the end of the day dignified return of the Rohingyas and creation of safe livelihoods matter most. By the same token, improvement of trade relations between Myanmar and Bangladesh is also quintessential. Since we house a large part of the Myanmar muslim population , providing them sustenance is also Myanmar government's responsibility. As the world awaits the doldrums in Rakhine State to subside, Myanmar government can allot plots of arable lands to Bangladeshi commercial farmers and allow them to sell the produce to Bangladesh. At the same time it can allow small number of peasant Rohingyas to till lands stretching across the border in Rakhine State and far from the conflict zone. Similarly, trading activities on both sides of the borders need to be augmented manifolds. It is a good sign that trade relations has recently resumed through Teknaf port since fierce fighting between warring parties halted trade in January.
However, Rohingya crisis may balk improving bilateral relations. Bangladesh can take cue from Myanmar neighbors. Thailand, India and China have all housing ethnic groups of Myanmar as a result of hostile situation prevailing in their native lands. Moreover, there have been reports of recent border skirmishes between Myanmar forces and its neighbors. But the issues never impede trade relations. Many of them sell arms to Myanmar and Thailand, which is housing ethnic groups of Myanmar more than a decade and a victim of Myanmar amphetamine attack like us, honored visiting Myanmar Army Chief with the country's military award.
Bangladesh already inked a bilateral deal with Myanmar regarding Rohingya issues. While the UN works on atrocities purported on the Rohingyas, Bangladesh can stick to this deal and explore ways to improve trade relations with Myanmar. Granting commercial farming activities to Bangladeshi farms inside Myanmar could be one. By the same token, Myanmar Generals whose hands are clean of Rohingya blood or businessmen may be allowed to have a paltry presence in our special economic zones. And improved trade ties can later be used to dismantle the drug infrastructure built across the Bangladesh-Myanmar border and facilitate any initiative to return of the Rohingyas.
As Rohingya cause has already cast a shadow over the bilateral relations, a certain quarter will try to call into question the thawing trade relations. Rohingya crisis is getting favorable coverage in international media. Let international community try the soldiers responsible for genocide. Our cardinal objective is the safe and dignified return of Rohingyas to Myanmar. Rapprochement between Myanmar and Bangladesh can make it happen. The feverish pitch of anti-Myanmar cry will bring us nothing.
For that reason, it is imperative that we forge stronger ties with all the quarters of civil and military leadership of Myanmar. Stronger trade ties have built-in ingredients to diffuse tension. It happened earlier in other parts of the world. I do not see any reason why it may not happen here.