It Is Time To Integrate Them

Forced repatriation leads to a situation in tatters, Integration is the key solution that really matters.

Bangladesh witnessed 8th anniversary of Rohingya influx in the country. Around 11 million Rohingyas now reside in various camps across Southern part of Bangladesh. Promised repatriation did not take place as anticipated, rather Myanmar descended into a civil war,which is likely to wane after the election. Patience wears thin in cash-strapped Bangladesh. Aid is drying up. Learning centers are closing down in the camps.Some Rohingyas met horrifying death at sea while attempting to reach the affluent East-Asian countries. This year a boat capsize off the coast of Thailand killed 400 Rohingyas, a shocking number. What is more shocking an UNHCR official [attributed] the reason to aid cut.

I think aid cut has nothing to do with growing vulnerabilities of the Rohingyas.It is the uncertainties of their status,lack of right and opportunities that led them to meet this tragic end at the sea.

There is a growing cry to repatriate them to Myanmar,where other communities are not prepared to take them back. Myanmar is not a democratic country, where groups,people still settle dispute through guns. At the same time ,Bangladesh has to keep good relations with all the groups and stakeholders including Tatmadaw. It will take time for one group accepting other group and reintegration into the society.

Peaceful Myanmar, particularly the frontier state,is crucial to the development of Bangladesh. Bangladesh alone cannot stop the clash inside Myanmar. But we have to strive hard to make sure that conflict zone lies 1000 km away from our border so that our frontier villagers do not heard gunshot and development works go peacefully inside Bangladesh. In that light, balkanization of Myanmar does not serve our long term purpose.

Meanwhile, any forceful repatriation is neither good for the Rohingyas, nor for Bangladesh. We have to conduct a survey among the Rohingyas about their repatriation. Those want to stay back should be integrated into Bangladeshi society by giving them citizenship. We should negotiate for those who want to stay here. A safer place inside Myanmar, maybe a dedicated island or the Mandalay or Yangoon region,where they will not be attacked again. To reduce their vulnerabilities, we should offer economic opportunities for all irrespective of their position on repatriation. Current donor-funded NGO works inside the camps are not sustainable. Under the auspices of the UN, the security force may take charge of conducting relief works and other humanitarian activities. Former US army personnel, former Tatmadaw officers, former PLA soldiers may provide their assistance as educators,health workers, entrepreneurship development coach and other professions. I earlier argued about "Made By Rohingya" initiative to start business operated by the Rohingyas(See "Made By Rohingya",published on https://rezaulhoque.wordpress.com on March 09,2018, and "Chalk Out A Domestic Rohingya Policy", published here on January 19,2019). At the same time, free movement of the Rohingyas by large passenger-cum-cargo ships across the other countries of Malacca straits and the Middle East ,to a great extent,will reduce their isolation and vulnerabilities and thwart risky sea-crossing attempt. Apart from that, paramilitary forces may recruit 5000 Rohingyas and lift out 5000 families from poverty. And it will fill the void inside security forces where there is a dearth of Rohingya and [Rakhine] speaking people. Two dedicated TV channels in Rohingya and Rakhine language should be launched so that camp dwellers and Bangladeshis get info about camp life and what is going on inside Myanmar.

NGO activities should be restricted and replaced with local initiatives and income earning opportunities. Bangladesh can recruit foreign law firms, consultancy firms operated by former security personnel, police to cross check info about foreign nationals taking jobs here inside the camps or working in diplomatic mission. In Bangladesh , many of them are not seasoned professionals and often they are not reintegrated into their organization. Cox's Bazar and frontier districts are sensitive spots. And Bangladesh can ill afford wasting foreign taxpayers' money by allowing such individuals. In that light, this foreign aid cut is doing a great service [to] Bangladesh rather than a disservice. Humanitarian efforts should focus on [addressing] real issues on the ground , not to create wage employment for foreign nationals.

The civil war in Sri Lanka pushed many Tamils into India. At least 1 million preferred to stay back and did not return.Things are not that bad in Rakhine state. But we have to give time so that one community accepts the other. Bangladesh has to maintain good relations with all the groups, stakeholders of Myanmar. Any balkanization of the region is detrimental to our interests. Since repatriation will take time, we may integrate part of the Rohingyas into Bangladesh, [provide] economic opportunities to all of them,[arrange] maritime access to other countries through some accord, [ensure] more engagement of foreign Army veterans of key regional powers in providing humanitarian assistance, [ensure] less dependence on NGOs and [launch] made-by-Rohingya initiative [that] will reduce the vulnerabilities of the Rohingyas to a great extent.

An Interview And Power Of Pacifism

Passive resistance and power of pacifism
Make strong Bangladesh and end jingoism.

A Bangladeshi daily recently took an interview of head of Arakan Army,a group fighting for independence in Rakhine State of Myanmar. Key takeaways of that interview are: Arakan Army signed a ceasefire agreement with Tatmadaw,it maintains a 30000-strong army, it recognizes Rohingyas as “Muslims of Rakhine State”,it wants to play role in resolving the Rohingya crisis and awaits Bangladesh response,situation in Rakhine State is not conducive for Rohingya repatriation,its parallel administration in Rakhine State employs local Muslims, armed Muslim cadre of Arakan Army recently defected and joined ARSA, and Bangladesh does not like its activity in Bangladeshi side and it honors Bangladesh’s stance¹.

The interview was published at a time when UN rapporteur on human rights situation in Myanmar in a press conference claimed that UN has information on ARSA activities inside the Rohingya camps of Bangladesh². Prior to that a Rohingya leader was shot dead by assailants believed to be ARSA cadres. Slain leader Muhibullah played crucial role in mobilizing Rohingyas to raise their demand for trying Myanmar Army for the brutality against Rohingya.

Despite the relative calm in the Rakhine State due to the ceasefire agreement,clashes erupted in neighboring Chin State and other parts of Myanmar.

Bangladesh so far did the right thing to keep itself aloof from the internal turbulence of Myanmar. However, in the past, Bangladeshi authority detained several separatists from CHT and ceased and destroyed many poppy and cannabis fields whose ownership remained mystery though publicly it was claimed that those were operated by separatist groups of both the countries. CHT has a heavy presence of armed forces personnel.

Invasion of methamphetamine at ease also questions willingness of its security establishment to contain the problem. The problem is so grave that killing of a retired Army officer by a Police officer almost created rift between the govt and the Army. And extrajudicial killing of a counselor in Cox's Bazaar resulted in imposition of sanction against key personnel of RAB and Police.

Despite being a suspect, Tatmadaw did far more better job in nabbing drug kingpins. Tatmadaw cooperated with international press to unearth the drug operations inside its territory. Such effort helped international authority to arrest a drug lord in Europe,known as “El Chapo of Asia”³.Meanwhile, Bangladesh authority always throws cold water to any such initiative and even put up hurdles in doing report by international press. Even it remained silent to Tatmadaw’s accusations of infiltrating drug-making ingredients inside Myanmar. Tatmadaw was just echoing an UNODC report that shared some chilling findings on drug trade in this region. According to UNODC report, size of methamphetamine market in Bangladesh is $5.5 billion⁴. Without endorsement of security establishment, such trade cannot continue unabated. In addition, such illicit trade is key to sustain insurgent groups and cadre-based political parties which are aplenty in this part of the world.

Many army-backed group in the past found involved in accumulating wealth abroad and investment in troubled region of Bangladesh. Sikder Group created a storm in the tea cup by purchasing land from Sena Kalyan Sangstha in Bandarban,few kilometers away from Myanmar border, in a bid to set up a five-star hotel. Indigenous Mro people protested the purchase arguing the land belonged to them and it threatened their livelihood⁵. The group has investments in Thailand and Caribbean Islands⁶. Earlier, Singapore authority froze an account of $1 billion belonged to an individual from Bangladesh⁷. News report of local daily revealed that it belongs to a Bangladeshi politician who was hanged by Bangladesh for war crimes. He was advisor of parliamentary affairs to former Prime Minister and his family owns QC shipping line and private container depot among other ventures. It was unknown how Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury amassed such wealth abroad. List goes on. A Bangladeshi businessman enters the list of billionaires of Singapore⁸. He is brother of a ruling party politician who also headed parliamentary committee on defense. The Summit Group like Quader Chowdhury also operates a cargo container service (riverine), an inland container depot and an LNG terminal.

Despite being a democratic county (non-functioning),we have institutions that have no accountability to people.Such lacking in turn help fostering criminal activities and groups.

Tatmadaw fares well in contrast to our ones.From one of earlier posts,sharing my views on Tatmadaw:

Unlike other regional armies, Tatmadaw has some unique features. It is an organization that was not modeled after the outgoing colonial master's army and that does not hinge on its former colonial master to train its personnel as some of its neighbors do. Home-grown and oriental orientation to training and grooming of future military leaders have its pros and cons. Often in our region we see regional armies have officers whose views and convictions are moulded by the country of origin of their trainers. At various stages, they developed some kind of split loyalty and embarked upon misadventures that froze constitution and took away freedom of expression for several years. This derailment of democracy, often happens through bloody events, crippled institutions that are quintessential to flourish democracy⁹.

Following an impasse in the repatriation process and a World Bank policy framework on refugee management inside Bangladesh, a former Foreign Secretary wrote the following in his column:

They have to fight their own struggles and others can only assist them. No sign is there among them. Are they waiting for angels to send them back to their homeland? No such thing happened to ethnic groups who had been displaced for many reasons.

Following the assumption of power by Myanmar military, NLD and other small parties formed a coalition government. Many ethnic guerrilla groups joined them. But no one recognizes it, even Bangladesh does not recognize it. Bangladesh should not recognize it. But no recognition does not bar one to have contact with such government. Indirect contact could be set up and an understanding should be reached in a bid to resolve the Rohingya crisis. … this government pledged to resolve the Rohingya crisis, no matter how fragile that pledge is,Rohingyas should step forward. Not that every Rohingya will play an armed role,but could play the role of close confident.For the sake of long term interest,Bangladesh needs to play a role to make a close contact between Rohingya and NLD-led coalition government. Small investment could yield better harvest. Nothing guarantees resolving the crisis,but useless it is to miss the chances,be it big or small.¹⁰

Last year in August 15,I penned a piece titled “What’s In A Name?“. Sharing parts of it again:

I think Bangladesh should abstain from entertaining any armed misadventure to put an end to Rohingya crisis. It will not only harm image of Bangladesh,but will also engender our relationship with our neighbors. Pitfalls lie in such ideas could unsettle and undo any short term gains.Look at Pakistan. Despite being one of the victims of terrorism, its built-in image makes it a less trustworthy partner in international community.Its democratic institutions are in tatters as domestic and foreign policies were decided by others ignoring people’s representatives and the Parliament.

Bangladesh should not tread on that path as such steps may hurt our image and may ostracize us in international community. Moreover,we inked a bilateral deal with Myanmar regarding repatriation of the Rohingyas. Any misadventure may put on hold that process and cost us losing the Myanmar Army that has been in charge of running the country for the last six decades and may do so for the next six decades or so. They are the only powerful institution in that country and has considerable leverages on the country and people. Myanmar as a country is a delicate case in the region. China,Thailand and India all house thousands of ethnic Myanmar groups. But never support directly any armed struggles against the Tatmadaw. And the countries maintain good relations and help it militarily¹¹.

From the interview of Arakan Army chief, it has become clear the Rakhine State is not safe for Rohingya repatriation. Frustrations of Bangladeshi policymakers over the issue also worry ordinary citizens as it may lead to choosing a wrong step.

The prolonged nature of the Rohingya crisis makes donor agencies’ suggestion for access to education, setting up business, land purchase and access to credit more tenable. The measures will make them less vulnerable to the lures of evil quarters, will empower them and thereby will reduce the risks coming from the camp-dwelling Rohingyas.

Without any mainstream education and livelihood opportunities, there is a risk that they may fall victims of regimented groups by subscribing to non-mainstream education. It will make the Rohingya management much more difficult. No matter which sides of the border the Rohingyas reside in, educated Rohingyas will be true asset for both the countries.

I think the best way to mitigate the Rohingya crisis is to reach out all levels of civilian and military leadership in Myanmar and allow them to reap the benefits of Bangladesh economy¹¹.

At the end of the day, image of brand Bangladesh matters us a lot than anything else. Pacifism, standing for the just cause,respecting international laws,territorial integrity of others and passive resistance not only help maintaining high moral ground but also make strong brand Bangladesh. Housing millions of stateless people does not weaken Bangladesh. Rather it strengthens its image and influence.

Notes And References:

1 “Amra Rohingyader Nagarik Odhikar Shikar Kori(We Recognize Rohingyas' Right To Citizenship)”,Ashfaq Roni,Shafiqul Alam and Altaf Parvez,Daily Prothom Alo,January, 02,2022

2 “UN Rights Envoy Calls For Global Efforts To Cut Fund Flow For Myanmar Military Junta”,bdnews24.com,December 19,2021 Link here

3 “Tse Che Lop: Alleged Asian Drug Lord Arrested In Amsterdam”,BBC,January 24,2021,Link here

4 “UNODC Report And Meth Market Of Bangladesh “,Rezaul Hoque, https://hoquestake.blogspot.com ,July 25,2019 Link here

5 “Mro People Protest ‘Hill-Land Grabbing' For 5-Star Hotel,Tourist Spot “,Daily Star,November 09,2020,Link here

6 “Las Vegas Soho Boro Boro Shohore Sikdar Group Er Bipul Sompod(Sikder Group Perks Wealth In Las Vegas And Other Cities)”,Daily Prothom Alo,June 09,2020,Link here

7 “Singapore Aat Hajar Koti Taka'r Malik Me?(Who Is The Owner Of $1 Billion In Singapore?) ”,Bangladesh Protidin,November 28,2020,Link here

8 “Summit’s Aziz 34th Richest In Singapore:Forbes",Daily Star,August 16,2018,Link here

9 “Don’t Discard Tatmadaw”,Rezaul Hoque,https://hoquestake.blogspot.com,November 24,2019Link here

10 “Rohingyader Jatigoto Shodhoner Pokkhe Bishwa Bank?(World Bank For Ethnic Cleansing Of The Rohingyas?)”,Towhid Hossain,Daily Prothom Alo,August 12,2021.

11“What’s In A Name?”,Rezaul Hoque,https://hoquestake.blogspot.com,August 15,2021,Link here

What's In A Name?

Will is there,
Commitment is there,
What’s in a name?
Misadventure doesn’t sound fair,
Even if a crisis no one doesn’t really care.
Stick to the plan even when you get the blame.

A recent initiative by World Bank on helping the stateless Rohingyas has started fresh debate in Bangladesh about the international stand on Rohingya crisis. What is worrying hawkish ideas have reemerged in this debate. World Bank has recently chalked a policy framework to assist management of refugees in 16 countries. The “Refugee Policy Review Framework” drew a lot of criticism as many perceived it a framework to integrate the Rohingyas into Bangladesh in the long run. I have not read yet the framework ,so I abstain from making any comments on it. But Minister of Foreign Affairs strongly objected dubbing the Rohingyas as “refugees” and stressed on their “displaced population or Myanmar nationals” status.¹Too much reliance on multilateral bodies and failure to meet pledges in assisting the Rohingyas are the origins of these grievances. World Bank's country director clarified Bank’s position by saying that the framework aims to assist the “displaced Rohingya population “ until their return to their home,Myanmar¹ The criticism inundates despite the World Bank has clarified its position on the policy framework.

More recently ,Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent its own assessment report to the parliamentary standing committee on foreign relations. The report underscores that Rohingya assistance programs run by UN and Occidental countries could play a catalystic role to integrate the Rohingya in the country and hamper repatriation process². Instead of focusing on repatriation process, donor and UN agencies’ continuous stress on improving the livelihoods at the camps angers the authority. And proposals like land purchase, setting up businesses, job and access to education are deemed as means to rehabilitate the Rohingyas into Bangladeshi society that local policymakers and authority strongly oppose.

But the harshest criticism came from a former foreign secretary who in his opinion column for a daily, run by former editor of communist party paper, condemned the intentions of UN agencies and Occidental donors. In addition, he expressed his dissatisfaction for lack of leadership among the Rohingyas in the camps. He wrote:

”We have to acknowledge that this population needs leadership. There is some kind of leadership in the camps,unfortunately miscreants control it in connivance with local criminals. Foreign organizations and NGOs also put up an alternate leadership but it is loyal to them…Besides,a Pakistan-influenced leadership also exists and it may turn towards a dangerous course of action. Resurgence of Taliban in Afghanistan brings it again to the fore. Extreme ideologies are very popular among the Rohingya youth.Success of Taliban may stoke the fire of misadventure.

One of the failures of Bangladesh is not able to create a leadership that reflects Bangladesh’s desires in the camps.Time is not running out,urgent attention is required.

Lastly, what have the 1 million camp-dwelling Rohingyas done to go back to their homelands? They have to fight their own struggles and others can only assist them. No sign is there among them. Are they waiting for angels to send them back to their homeland? No such thing happened to ethnic groups who had been displaced for many reasons.

Following the assumption of power by Myanmar military, NLD and other small parties formed a coalition government. Many ethnic guerrilla groups joined them. But no one recognizes it, even Bangladesh does not recognize it. Bangladesh should not recognize it. But no recognition does not bar one to have contact with such government. Indirect contact could be set up and an understanding should be reached in a bid to resolve the Rohingya crisis. … this government pledged to resolve the Rohingya crisis, no matter how fragile that pledge is,Rohingyas should step forward. Not that every Rohingya will play an armed role,but could play the role of close confident.For the sake of long term interest,Bangladesh needs to play a role to make a close contact between Rohingya and NLD-led coalition government. Small investment could yield better harvest. Nothing guarantees resolving the crisis,but useless it is to miss the chances,be it big or small.”³

Earlier former military bureaucrats saw would-be suicide bombers lurking in the corners of Rohingya camps and drew a grim future for the region if Rohingya crisis remained unresolved. Even some drew parallel between independence struggle of Bangladesh and the Rohingya crisis,but there is a big difference between the two. Former foreign secretary’s concluding remarks slightly echoed that possibility of armed struggles by the Rohingyas. It is worrying that hawkish proposition is gradually gaining support.

I think Bangladesh should abstain from entertaining any armed misadventure to put an end to Rohingya crisis. It will not only harm images of Bangladesh,but will also engender our relationship with our neighbors. Pitfalls lie in such ideas could unsettle and undo any short term gains.Look at Pakistan. Despite being one of the victims of terrorism, its built-in image makes it a less trustworthy partner in international community.Its democratic institutions are in tatters as domestic and foreign policies were decided by others ignoring people’s representatives and the Parliament.

Bangladesh should not tread on that path as such steps may hurt our image and may ostracize us in international community. Moreover,we inked a bilateral deal with Myanmar regarding repatriation of the Rohingyas. Any misadventure may put on hold that process and cost us losing the Myanmar Army that has been in charge of running the country for the last six decades and may do so for the next six decades or so. They are the only powerful institution in that country and has considerable leverages on the country and people. Myanmar as a country is a delicate case in the region. China,Thailand and India all house thousands of ethnic Myanmar groups. But never support directly any armed struggles against the Tatmadaw. And the countries maintain good relations and help it militarily.

Back in April 19,2019, I wrote a piece titled “Stick To The Bilateral Agreement “, here on this site delineating fallout of growing insurgency inside Myanmar. Any chaos or multiple insurgencies in Myanmar is against the interest of Bangladesh. If the insurgency reaches its worst, ethnic groups may engage in fights for dominance. And soon Bangladesh may host another round of refugees.In the unruly Myanmar where Tatmadaw is severely weakened,its waters will become treacherous.

Incidents of piracy may spiral up in the waters through which Bangladesh does maritime trade with the rest of the world(Now risk has increased as couple of Bangladeshi companies’ container carriers transport goods between Chittagong and Malaysian and Singaporean ports).Our export and import may take a hit and inflationary pressure may make lives more difficult here. Clearly, our policy makers and strategic thinkers are not ready for this kind of reality⁴.

There has been a lot of developments in the Rakhine State. Relations between Arakan Army and Tatmadaw thawed and the former may join the government after the next election as promised by the Army-led interim govt. Bangladesh should not back any armed misadventure of Rohingya groups and NLD-led coalition govt. For humanitarian grounds Bangladesh may allow NLD activists to take refuge in the country and let them use it as a transit country to go abroad. This is what Bangladesh is doing for the Rohingyas.There is no wrong in helping another group of displaced Myanmar nationals. But Bangladesh should stay away from lending support to any fratricidal clashes inside Myanmar.

The prolonged nature of the Rohingya crisis makes WB's suggestion for access to education, setting up business, land purchase and access to credit more tenable. The measures will make them less vulnerable to the lures of evil quarters, will empower them and thereby will reduce the risks coming from the camp-dwelling Rohingyas.

Without any mainstream education and livelihood opportunities, there is a risk that they may fall victims of regimented groups by subscribing to non-mainstream education. It will make the Rohingya management much more difficult. No matter which sides of the border the Rohingyas reside in, educated Rohingyas will be true asset for both the countries.

I think the best way to mitigate the Rohingya crisis is to reach out all levels of civilian and military leadership in Myanmar and allow them to reap the benefits of Bangladesh economy. We have several special economic zones under construction and we can easily invite Myanmar investors to invest in these zones. Bangladesh can also modify its banking laws and allow FDI in setting up overseas banks so that Chinese community in Singapore or in Malaysia invest in those banks where Myanmar nationals can do banking with us. As the utility of our deep sea port,special economic zones and economy will grow over time,growing trade relations will play a conducive role in diffusing tensions and existing problems. We should not buy at face value the negative depiction of Tatmadaw in the western media. Despite the western embargoes on them,Bangladesh should allow them to invest in Bangladesh via proxies. Same hold true for other political stakeholders including NLD-led coalition govt. Economic leverage of Bangladesh will help to curb the incidence of drug and to speed up the process of repatriation of the Rohingyas. Container transport, IT and RMG are the areas where the joint ventures of both the countries can take shape. A joint container transport service between Chattogram and Singapore or other Asian ports will benefit both the countries. As the country faces ban, RMG exporters of Myanmar can relocate their factories in Bangladesh. In addition, Myanmar can join Bangladesh’s upcoming very own social media initiative and share its experience of operating a social media with VKontakte in Myanmar.There will be differences in opinions, different threat perceptions but this should not bar the countries to engage in trade and economic activities. Focusing on trade and development instead of cultivating ideas of misadventure holds the key to break the current impasse.

At the moment, it appears that new feud between political stakeholders may further delay the repatriation process. Bangladesh strongly opposes dubbing the Rovingyas “refugee” and insists on that they be called “displaced people”. Suggestions made by WB,which reiterates its commitment towards repatriation, pretty much reflects the reality in the ground. As long as will is there,as long as commitment is there, it is less important how you would like to call a problem. Instead of entertaining conspiracy theories and treading on wrong path towards misadventure, ordinary citizens expect Bangladesh will reaffirm its commitment towards an amicable solution to Rohingya crisis in this testing time.

Notes And References:

1 “Bangladesh Says World Bank's Refugee Framework Does Not Apply To ‘Displaced Rohingya'”,bdnews24.com,August 02,2021.Link here

2 “Rohingyader Sujog Subidha Simito Rakhar Prostab”,Daily Prothom Alo,August 13,2021.

3.”Rohingyader Jatigoto Shodhoner Pokkhe Bishwa Bank?(World Bank For Ethnic Cleansing Of The Rohingyas?)”,Towhid Hossain,Daily Prothom Alo,August 12,2021.

4 “Stick To The Bilateral Agreement “,Rezaul Hoque,April 19,2021. https://hoquestake.blogspot.com/2019/04/stick-to-bilateral-agreement.html?m=1

Don't Discard Tatmadaw

A recent scheme gestated by Gambia to try the Tatmadaw generals has garnered lot of media attention. It has come at a time when repatriation of the Rohingyas has completely stalled because of the dilly dallying by Myanmar and prevailing restive conditions in Rakhine State, where the Rohingyas lived centuries after centuries. Bangladesh already signed bilateral agreement with Myanmar, a powerful neighbor who will undoubtedly play a crucial role in the development of Bangladesh years down the line, to defuse tension following events of Tatmadaw's drive against the Rohingya. To Bangladesh's despair , such agreement has yet to come to fruition as the hostile atmosphere in the ground in Rakhine State and other feuding parties' lack of interest to integrate the Rohingyas back to nation building process.

Bangladesh has to stick to this agreement as we cannot afford losing the favor of a big neighbor like Myanmar. Recent genocidal allegations against Myanmar generals have received the nod of Muslim countries as well as the occidental ones. However, what difference this kind of trial can make could only be told by time. Many argue that this will generate pressure on Myanmar generals. There are other ethnic minorities of Myanmar who have been living in the camps of neighboring countries for decades. If the UN were able to document those atrocities, the the holistic allegations of human rights abuses by Myanmar generals would become a formidable one. Myanmar,on the other hand, made its own investigations of torture and killing in the wake of growing international criticism heaping on Tatmadaw. Tatmadaw did acknowledge some of its units had involved in gross human rights violations. In fact, mild punishments were awarded to culprits. So efforts are there from the part of Tatmadaw to address the issues attributed to it by international human rights organizations.

Myanmar has been  going through a transitional phase for the last couple of years. In this phase, Tatmadaw will play an important role to get the country back into the track of participatory democracy.

Unlike other regional armies, Tatmadaw has some unique features. It is an organization that was not modeled after the outgoing colonial master's army and that does not hinge on its former colonial master to train its personnel as some of its neighbors do. Home-grown and oriental orientation to training and grooming of future military leaders have its pros and cons. Often in our region we see regional armies have officers whose views and convictions are moulded by the country of origin of their trainers. At various stages, they developed some kind of split loyalty and embarked upon misadventures that froze constitution and took away freedom of expression for several years. This derailment of democracy, often happens through bloody events, crippled institutions that are quintessential to flourish democracy.

Tatmadaw is no saint, however, its personnel are loyal to its own code of conduct and there has been deep understanding among the various branches of this large monolithic organization. It is translated into lack of coups and counter-coups and lack of defection in the history of Tatmadaw. Meanwhile, if we take a look at the history of Armed Forces we will notice that it is plagued by tragedies and bloody fracas. In addition, defection and desertion soiled the reputation of our Armed Forces. It may sound harsh but the truth is our Armed Forces are a demoralized political entity that urgently requires a complete revamp like a vanquished army.

  Despite a long ban on Tatmadaw,none of its generals perked their wealth in the west and defected to a western country in the face of odds. Rather, most of them banked with Chinese overseas banks located in the South-East Asian countries. So this kind of steps at the end of the day would be rendered useless.

  In recent years, Tatmadaw helped international community to curb drug invasion. It allowed reporters to investigate the drug empire of a drug kingpin, known as "El Chapo of Asia".By the same token, it would be in a far more formidable position to implement bilateral agreement if there were peace in Rakhine State.

In contrast to Tatmadaw, we have not seen yet any concrete step inside Bangladesh that insinuates that accountability has been ensured in Armed Forces. We do not know how many senior army officers and rank and file personnel have been brought to book for breaching discipline or committing crimes. People are eager to know the fate of rogue law-enforcement personnel who killed the local counselor in Cox's Bazar. There has been a wild rumor that siblings of a senior Army officer have been listed as fugitives by Interpol. In the past we witnessed sensitive surveillance technology was used to influence city corporation election outcome. People placed in important position at the parliament to look into the defense matters have been found involved with groups engaged in lucrative business dealings and laundered money in offshore heavens.

Many of the dual citizens and Army bureaucrats who tried to cleanse politics or engaged in corruption found safe sanctuary in the west. Same holds true for corrupt businessmen and politicians.

Point is despite being a democracy, our journey towards stability and progress is not not as impressive as that of Myanmar, which has just reached the highway of participatory democracy stripping of authoritarian practices of trampling down over free voices.

Myanmar senior Army General and Chief of Staff donated to the renovation project of a historical mosque and paid a visit to the the mausoleum of last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar. This is a gesture to indicate that he is willing to reconcile with the Muslim community of his country.

Myanmar is also important for our economy. During the last Bakri Eid, Myanmar sent shipments of cattle to keep the Bakri Eid cattle market stable. In the recent onion crisis, Myanmar exported 35000 metric tons of onion to stabilize the local onion market.

This is undoubtedly a friendly gesture to keep the kitchen market stable. For our growing economy, Myanmar has many resources to offer. In addition, we could export commodities to meet Myanmar's domestic need. As its RMG industry is growing, Bangladesh could make some strategic alliance with Myanmar on which RMG items each ofthe two countries should produce in order to avoid stiff competition in common export market.

More importantly, Myanmar will help us to dismantle methamphetamine infrastructure built across the other side of the border. Prerequisite is maintaining a warm relationship with the country. Bangladesh could also invite FDI in financial service industry so that Chinese community in Malaysia and Singapore sets up overseas bank where the Myanmar nationals could do banking.

In recent months, there have been hawkish cries menacing to shatter regional peace if there is no peaceful end to Rohingya crisis. Some retired Army bureaucrat in seminar even went further to portray the future Rohingyas as would-be bombers. This kind of portrayal neither helps ending Rohingya crisis, nor depicts them as a peace-loving community to the world.   It is not clear which section of Rohingya community the military  bureaucrat in question talked to and got that shocking picture. But more or less Bangladesh should be committed to not repeating another Charlie Wilson's war , which tremendously helps this kind of army bureaucrat, in this part of the world.

Reaching out every segment of civil and military leadership of Myanmar does not only dispel ambiguities in each country's concerns, but also gives a strong message to our future economy that needs to grow at far more greater pace.For this reason, I think Bangladesh should take distance from Gambia initiative to try the Tatmadaw for war crimes. Let the multilateral body do this. Bangladesh should not veer off the path of thawing relations with the Tatmadaw since it is the best alternative we have to connect ourselves with the East and to solve more pressing issues at hand.

Stick To Bilateral Agreement

Two months away from the rainy season, relocation of part of the camp-dwelling Rohingyas looms in uncertainties. Earlier government planned to relocate some of the Rohingyas to Bhashan Char. However, it flinched on that as many Rohingyas are not ready to move there.

Elliptical relocation plan is still gaining momentum. But some crucial aspects are still missing. For instance, it is not interpolated in the original plan how the education of Rohingya children will happen in Bhashan Char and how to ensure free movement between the camps in Bhashan Char and those in Cox's Bazaar.

Obviously government has plan to carry forward projects on educating the Rohingyas. But observers like me do not see any educational infrastructure in Bhashan Char. If the cyclone shelters are meant for this purpose then government should divulge the matter to the public. Who will teach the Rohingyas in Bhashan Char? Does government have plan for that?

I think Bangladesh may goad on Myanmar to send some teachers so that the Rohingya children can get education in Burmese language. No matter on which sides of the border they will reside educated Rohingyas will be true asset for both the countries.

The accommodation in that area is for the Rohongyas. Camp area is environed by embankments to prevent high tides. No other infrastructure is spotted that could indicate humanitarian and aid organizations could stay there to continue their operations. Even outside teachers need to travel to and fro between Bhashan Char and other parts of Chattogram once a week.

So this free movement of goods and people needs to be addresses in the Bhasan Char Relocation plan. It is not clear what transportation system is going to be introduced there. Traditional sea truck, engine boats and vessels operated by Bangladesh Navy could be good options. Private sector never essayed the waterway to this little known shoal. I bet many donor agencies will espouse any genuine government initiative to install a transport system in this waterway.

As the uncertainties regarding the esoteric relocation plan looms large, there have been reports that Rohingyas are clearing the nearby forests for makeshift camps, causing further irritation to local population and administration. Grave concern is how long the hosting population will countenance conducts of contumacious camp dwellers.

Meanwhile, latest developments in the Rakhine State insinuate that the region is sucked into a secessionist maelstrom and both the feuding parties incurring heavy losses. This might encourage some quarters within the government to eschew the bilateral agreement it signed with the Myanmar government. It would be a mistake. I think we should stick to this plan. Oriental solution is the key to this problem. Other alternatives may prolong the crisis.

Many here loathe what the Tatmadaw did to the Rohingya population. Certainly these atrocities must not go unpunished. But there are international bodies who usually look into this kind of war crimes. Let Tatmadaw and international bodies hold the culprits accountable. But at any cost Bangladesh should not drag its feet into the internal turbulence of Myanmar. We have to keep it in mind Tatmadaw is running the country for a long period of time. It is the only monolithic organization in Myanmar that is capable of keeping the country stable. Despite several insurgencies on multiple fronts, its leverage on Myanmar and its people has not been compromised since it assumed power. Democracy is still in the embryonic stage and will not flourish without the support of Tatmadaw. And the truth is Tatmadaw is a unified organization. One can do a little research and find that number of defection is far higher in Bangladesh Armed forces than that in Tatmadaw. No mutiny has taken place in Tatmadaw in the last one decade. It is a disciplined organization, steered by a strong leadership.

This reality about Myanmar has already been understood by its neighbors who face similar problems like Banglades in dealing with Myanmar.

Recently, Bertil Linter in his report titled "The Real Driving Force Behind Myanmar's Opium Trade" , published on Asia Times, revealed that a UN agency for drugs and crimes , UNODC, did a survey on narcotics in Myanmar and found that most of the poppy cultivation took place in areas where Kachin Independence Army holds sway. KIA , however,put the blame on Tatmadaw-backed militia. What I find interesting is that none of them attacks these cash cows.

In one of my earlier post on Bangladesh's anti drug war, I put forward one interesting observation: both Bangladesh Army and KIA use Type-81 rifle as their standard issued rifle. In Bangladesh it is known as BD-08, which is being manufactured at state-run armaments production facility. KIA, a strategic ally of Arakan Army, might get the know-how from former PLA personnel. But this could be a mere coincidence. At the same time, yaba invasion from Myanmar lends credence to such suspicion. Recently, Bangladesh Army floated tender to issue new standard rifle along with BD-08. What prompted the Army to issue a new standard rifle surprised many observers.

Splintered or destabilized Myanmar is not to the best interest of Bangladesh. Imagine a worst case scenario where Myanmar has fallen into the hands of several insurgent groups. A fight for dominance will soon be ensued and Bangladesh may host another wave of refugees. In unruly Myanmar, its waters will become treacherous. Incidents of piracy may spiral up in the waters through which Bangladesh does maritime trade with rest of the world. Net result is our export and import will take a hit and inflationary pressure may make lives hard here. Clearly our policy makers and strategic thinkers are not ready for this kind of reality.

Bangladesh should take cue from Myanmar's formidable neighbors who maintain good relations with civil and military leadership in spite of being victims of demographic and drug invasion. For instance, Thailand houses millions of Myanmar refugees and fought a long drug war, worsened by Myanmar. Yet it made some kind of deal with Myanmar and significantly reduced the incidence of drug related problems. The country even awarded Myanmar's Chief of Army Staff its highest civilian award when he paid an official visit to Thailand last year.

Resisting the temptation to steps that may escalate tension, Bangladesh can replicate Myanmar neighbors' model to create a thaw in relations with it.

Reaching out to all levels of civil and military leadership in Myanmar will also set the path for resolving outstanding issues. We can invite Myanmar businessmen to invest in one of our special economic zones and allow Myanmar nationals to bank with our financial institutions. A retired Army officer who knows well how this kind of regime works in democratic transition period could be sent as High Commissioner to Myanmar to convey these messages.These initiatives will not only have profound implications for bilateral relations but for the region. By making them stakeholders of our economy, we will be able to make them understand the gravity of drug problem. Eventually they may go for dismantling the drug infrastructure along the Bangladesh border.

This idea of thawing relations may meet expostulations from certain quarters who hold animus towards Myanmar. But this one-to-one agreement with the help of oriental supports holds the key to a prosperous future for both the countries. It is indeed a good sign that we inked a deal with Myanmar to resolve the Rohingya issue. And we should stick to this plan till the end.

The Missing Rohingya Plan

Human Rights Watch pleaded the government not to send any Rohingya to Bhasanchar, a remote island in Bay of Bengal. The island has been developed to accommodate Rohingyas. However, HRW and other human rights organizations claim that part of it is submerged during Monsoon and the island is not ready for relocation of the Rohingyas. In response, government says it has spent $300 million dollars to build accommodation in the island and the condition there far better than the one prevails in the camps of Cox's Bazaar.

Government can accentuate the Rohingyas to move there. Government has to ensure that Rohingyas will have the liberty to move to and fro between Bhasanchar and Cox's Bazaar. I think one of the plus side for Rohingyas to move to Bhasanchar is that the community will get land to till and permission for pisciculture.

But many do not assent to such scheme. Government reiterates that only the willing one will be taken to Bhasanchar. That is an appreciable move. Harsh weather conditions during the Monsoon and losing touch with the fellow Rohingyas at Cox's Bazaar camps may inhibit the Rohingyas shifting to Bhasanchar. To dispel the fear, government can spread the information of steps it has taken to make Bhasanchar liveable and the incentives the Rohingyas will receive once they decide to go there. One optimistic sign is that PM's international advisor in a TV talk show invited press to see firsthand how safe Bhasanchar is for the Rohingyas.

Another matter about the Rohingya crisis that garnered lots of attention is government's reaction to role of NGOs working on Rohingya issues. Recently, a minister lambasted the NGOs for paying hotel bills of Tk 1500 million and not doing enough for the Rohingyas. He even drew attention of local agencies to bring their operations under stricter scrutiny. I was perplexed by the comment. As far as I know, it is the NGO Affairs Bureau that is charged with clearing the funds for NGOs. Had there been any anomalies in NGO operations, this NGO bureau would have withheld /blocked the funds. But that did not happen. Moreover, it is the Bangladesh Army that is coordinating the relief efforts. So the point is government cannot brush aside the responsibilities for mismanagement of Rohingya fund. Couple of months before the recent allegations , government often accused international community for not fulfilling its pledge to fund Rohingya relief effort. When there is fund for this year, it has brought this allegation. Ambiguity in government policy decision regarding Rohingya relief efforts befuddled many observers at home and abroad.

Since its steps so far created lots of confusion about their success, government can bring a bill into parliament regarding Rohingyas' status and their future in this country. In broader sense it will dispel ambiguities in policies and offer a clear roadmap about the future of Rohingyas in this country.

Mostly it will help Rohingyas fending off uncertainties. I have been arguing for this Rohingya bill for a long time. If there were a bill, Rohingya would avail some facilities, ensure their refugee status and have complete control over their resources and property. For instance, at the present situation there is in no way they can do business in this country, they cannot open bank account, get trade licence, rent lend and sell their harvest in the market. They depend on government , armed forces and mercy of the local population. That makes their situation more precarious and leads them to flee camps and melt into the local population hiding their identity.

A Rohingya Bill will assuage their vulnerability because the bill will guarantee their refugee identity and secure their interests. They will live with that identity in this country as long as a safe return to the Rakhine State is not ensured. The bill in a sense will inhibit them hiding their true identity.

In addition, the bill begets new aid promises and trade concession from development partner countries.

At the end of the day dignified return of the Rohingyas and creation of safe livelihoods matter most. By the same token, improvement of trade relations between Myanmar and Bangladesh is also quintessential. Since we house a large part of the Myanmar muslim population , providing them sustenance is also Myanmar government's responsibility. As the world awaits the doldrums in Rakhine State to subside, Myanmar government can allot plots of arable lands to Bangladeshi commercial farmers and allow them to sell the produce to Bangladesh. At the same time it can allow small number of peasant Rohingyas to till lands stretching across the border in Rakhine State and far from the conflict zone. Similarly, trading activities on both sides of the borders need to be augmented manifolds. It is a good sign that trade relations has recently resumed through Teknaf port since fierce fighting between warring parties halted trade in January.

However, Rohingya crisis may balk improving bilateral relations. Bangladesh can take cue from Myanmar neighbors. Thailand, India and China have all housing ethnic groups of Myanmar as a result of hostile situation prevailing in their native lands. Moreover, there have been reports of recent border skirmishes between Myanmar forces and its neighbors. But the issues never impede trade relations. Many of them sell arms to Myanmar and Thailand, which is housing ethnic groups of Myanmar more than a decade and a victim of Myanmar amphetamine attack like us, honored visiting Myanmar Army Chief with the country's military award.

Bangladesh already inked a bilateral deal with Myanmar regarding Rohingya issues. While the UN works on atrocities purported on the Rohingyas, Bangladesh can stick to this deal and explore ways to improve trade relations with Myanmar. Granting commercial farming activities to Bangladeshi farms inside Myanmar could be one. By the same token, Myanmar Generals whose hands are clean of Rohingya blood or businessmen may be allowed to have a paltry presence in our special economic zones. And improved trade ties can later be used to dismantle the drug infrastructure built across the Bangladesh-Myanmar border and facilitate any initiative to return of the Rohingyas.

As Rohingya cause has already cast a shadow over the bilateral relations, a certain quarter will try to call into question the thawing trade relations. Rohingya crisis is getting favorable coverage in international media.  Let international community try the soldiers responsible for genocide.  Our cardinal objective is the safe and dignified return of Rohingyas to Myanmar. Rapprochement between Myanmar and Bangladesh can make it happen. The feverish pitch of anti-Myanmar cry will bring us nothing.

For that reason, it is imperative that we forge stronger ties with all the quarters of civil and military leadership of Myanmar. Stronger trade ties have built-in ingredients to diffuse tension. It happened earlier in other parts of the world. I do not see any reason why it may not happen here.