An Interview And Power Of Pacifism

Passive resistance and power of pacifism
Make strong Bangladesh and end jingoism.

A Bangladeshi daily recently took an interview of head of Arakan Army,a group fighting for independence in Rakhine State of Myanmar. Key takeaways of that interview are: Arakan Army signed a ceasefire agreement with Tatmadaw,it maintains a 30000-strong army, it recognizes Rohingyas as “Muslims of Rakhine State”,it wants to play role in resolving the Rohingya crisis and awaits Bangladesh response,situation in Rakhine State is not conducive for Rohingya repatriation,its parallel administration in Rakhine State employs local Muslims, armed Muslim cadre of Arakan Army recently defected and joined ARSA, and Bangladesh does not like its activity in Bangladeshi side and it honors Bangladesh’s stance¹.

The interview was published at a time when UN rapporteur on human rights situation in Myanmar in a press conference claimed that UN has information on ARSA activities inside the Rohingya camps of Bangladesh². Prior to that a Rohingya leader was shot dead by assailants believed to be ARSA cadres. Slain leader Muhibullah played crucial role in mobilizing Rohingyas to raise their demand for trying Myanmar Army for the brutality against Rohingya.

Despite the relative calm in the Rakhine State due to the ceasefire agreement,clashes erupted in neighboring Chin State and other parts of Myanmar.

Bangladesh so far did the right thing to keep itself aloof from the internal turbulence of Myanmar. However, in the past, Bangladeshi authority detained several separatists from CHT and ceased and destroyed many poppy and cannabis fields whose ownership remained mystery though publicly it was claimed that those were operated by separatist groups of both the countries. CHT has a heavy presence of armed forces personnel.

Invasion of methamphetamine at ease also questions willingness of its security establishment to contain the problem. The problem is so grave that killing of a retired Army officer by a Police officer almost created rift between the govt and the Army. And extrajudicial killing of a counselor in Cox's Bazaar resulted in imposition of sanction against key personnel of RAB and Police.

Despite being a suspect, Tatmadaw did far more better job in nabbing drug kingpins. Tatmadaw cooperated with international press to unearth the drug operations inside its territory. Such effort helped international authority to arrest a drug lord in Europe,known as “El Chapo of Asia”³.Meanwhile, Bangladesh authority always throws cold water to any such initiative and even put up hurdles in doing report by international press. Even it remained silent to Tatmadaw’s accusations of infiltrating drug-making ingredients inside Myanmar. Tatmadaw was just echoing an UNODC report that shared some chilling findings on drug trade in this region. According to UNODC report, size of methamphetamine market in Bangladesh is $5.5 billion⁴. Without endorsement of security establishment, such trade cannot continue unabated. In addition, such illicit trade is key to sustain insurgent groups and cadre-based political parties which are aplenty in this part of the world.

Many army-backed group in the past found involved in accumulating wealth abroad and investment in troubled region of Bangladesh. Sikder Group created a storm in the tea cup by purchasing land from Sena Kalyan Sangstha in Bandarban,few kilometers away from Myanmar border, in a bid to set up a five-star hotel. Indigenous Mro people protested the purchase arguing the land belonged to them and it threatened their livelihood⁵. The group has investments in Thailand and Caribbean Islands⁶. Earlier, Singapore authority froze an account of $1 billion belonged to an individual from Bangladesh⁷. News report of local daily revealed that it belongs to a Bangladeshi politician who was hanged by Bangladesh for war crimes. He was advisor of parliamentary affairs to former Prime Minister and his family owns QC shipping line and private container depot among other ventures. It was unknown how Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury amassed such wealth abroad. List goes on. A Bangladeshi businessman enters the list of billionaires of Singapore⁸. He is brother of a ruling party politician who also headed parliamentary committee on defense. The Summit Group like Quader Chowdhury also operates a cargo container service (riverine), an inland container depot and an LNG terminal.

Despite being a democratic county (non-functioning),we have institutions that have no accountability to people.Such lacking in turn help fostering criminal activities and groups.

Tatmadaw fares well in contrast to our ones.From one of earlier posts,sharing my views on Tatmadaw:

Unlike other regional armies, Tatmadaw has some unique features. It is an organization that was not modeled after the outgoing colonial master's army and that does not hinge on its former colonial master to train its personnel as some of its neighbors do. Home-grown and oriental orientation to training and grooming of future military leaders have its pros and cons. Often in our region we see regional armies have officers whose views and convictions are moulded by the country of origin of their trainers. At various stages, they developed some kind of split loyalty and embarked upon misadventures that froze constitution and took away freedom of expression for several years. This derailment of democracy, often happens through bloody events, crippled institutions that are quintessential to flourish democracy⁹.

Following an impasse in the repatriation process and a World Bank policy framework on refugee management inside Bangladesh, a former Foreign Secretary wrote the following in his column:

They have to fight their own struggles and others can only assist them. No sign is there among them. Are they waiting for angels to send them back to their homeland? No such thing happened to ethnic groups who had been displaced for many reasons.

Following the assumption of power by Myanmar military, NLD and other small parties formed a coalition government. Many ethnic guerrilla groups joined them. But no one recognizes it, even Bangladesh does not recognize it. Bangladesh should not recognize it. But no recognition does not bar one to have contact with such government. Indirect contact could be set up and an understanding should be reached in a bid to resolve the Rohingya crisis. … this government pledged to resolve the Rohingya crisis, no matter how fragile that pledge is,Rohingyas should step forward. Not that every Rohingya will play an armed role,but could play the role of close confident.For the sake of long term interest,Bangladesh needs to play a role to make a close contact between Rohingya and NLD-led coalition government. Small investment could yield better harvest. Nothing guarantees resolving the crisis,but useless it is to miss the chances,be it big or small.¹⁰

Last year in August 15,I penned a piece titled “What’s In A Name?“. Sharing parts of it again:

I think Bangladesh should abstain from entertaining any armed misadventure to put an end to Rohingya crisis. It will not only harm image of Bangladesh,but will also engender our relationship with our neighbors. Pitfalls lie in such ideas could unsettle and undo any short term gains.Look at Pakistan. Despite being one of the victims of terrorism, its built-in image makes it a less trustworthy partner in international community.Its democratic institutions are in tatters as domestic and foreign policies were decided by others ignoring people’s representatives and the Parliament.

Bangladesh should not tread on that path as such steps may hurt our image and may ostracize us in international community. Moreover,we inked a bilateral deal with Myanmar regarding repatriation of the Rohingyas. Any misadventure may put on hold that process and cost us losing the Myanmar Army that has been in charge of running the country for the last six decades and may do so for the next six decades or so. They are the only powerful institution in that country and has considerable leverages on the country and people. Myanmar as a country is a delicate case in the region. China,Thailand and India all house thousands of ethnic Myanmar groups. But never support directly any armed struggles against the Tatmadaw. And the countries maintain good relations and help it militarily¹¹.

From the interview of Arakan Army chief, it has become clear the Rakhine State is not safe for Rohingya repatriation. Frustrations of Bangladeshi policymakers over the issue also worry ordinary citizens as it may lead to choosing a wrong step.

The prolonged nature of the Rohingya crisis makes donor agencies’ suggestion for access to education, setting up business, land purchase and access to credit more tenable. The measures will make them less vulnerable to the lures of evil quarters, will empower them and thereby will reduce the risks coming from the camp-dwelling Rohingyas.

Without any mainstream education and livelihood opportunities, there is a risk that they may fall victims of regimented groups by subscribing to non-mainstream education. It will make the Rohingya management much more difficult. No matter which sides of the border the Rohingyas reside in, educated Rohingyas will be true asset for both the countries.

I think the best way to mitigate the Rohingya crisis is to reach out all levels of civilian and military leadership in Myanmar and allow them to reap the benefits of Bangladesh economy¹¹.

At the end of the day, image of brand Bangladesh matters us a lot than anything else. Pacifism, standing for the just cause,respecting international laws,territorial integrity of others and passive resistance not only help maintaining high moral ground but also make strong brand Bangladesh. Housing millions of stateless people does not weaken Bangladesh. Rather it strengthens its image and influence.

Notes And References:

1 “Amra Rohingyader Nagarik Odhikar Shikar Kori(We Recognize Rohingyas' Right To Citizenship)”,Ashfaq Roni,Shafiqul Alam and Altaf Parvez,Daily Prothom Alo,January, 02,2022

2 “UN Rights Envoy Calls For Global Efforts To Cut Fund Flow For Myanmar Military Junta”,bdnews24.com,December 19,2021 Link here

3 “Tse Che Lop: Alleged Asian Drug Lord Arrested In Amsterdam”,BBC,January 24,2021,Link here

4 “UNODC Report And Meth Market Of Bangladesh “,Rezaul Hoque, https://hoquestake.blogspot.com ,July 25,2019 Link here

5 “Mro People Protest ‘Hill-Land Grabbing' For 5-Star Hotel,Tourist Spot “,Daily Star,November 09,2020,Link here

6 “Las Vegas Soho Boro Boro Shohore Sikdar Group Er Bipul Sompod(Sikder Group Perks Wealth In Las Vegas And Other Cities)”,Daily Prothom Alo,June 09,2020,Link here

7 “Singapore Aat Hajar Koti Taka'r Malik Me?(Who Is The Owner Of $1 Billion In Singapore?) ”,Bangladesh Protidin,November 28,2020,Link here

8 “Summit’s Aziz 34th Richest In Singapore:Forbes",Daily Star,August 16,2018,Link here

9 “Don’t Discard Tatmadaw”,Rezaul Hoque,https://hoquestake.blogspot.com,November 24,2019Link here

10 “Rohingyader Jatigoto Shodhoner Pokkhe Bishwa Bank?(World Bank For Ethnic Cleansing Of The Rohingyas?)”,Towhid Hossain,Daily Prothom Alo,August 12,2021.

11“What’s In A Name?”,Rezaul Hoque,https://hoquestake.blogspot.com,August 15,2021,Link here

Stick To Bilateral Agreement

Two months away from the rainy season, relocation of part of the camp-dwelling Rohingyas looms in uncertainties. Earlier government planned to relocate some of the Rohingyas to Bhashan Char. However, it flinched on that as many Rohingyas are not ready to move there.

Elliptical relocation plan is still gaining momentum. But some crucial aspects are still missing. For instance, it is not interpolated in the original plan how the education of Rohingya children will happen in Bhashan Char and how to ensure free movement between the camps in Bhashan Char and those in Cox's Bazaar.

Obviously government has plan to carry forward projects on educating the Rohingyas. But observers like me do not see any educational infrastructure in Bhashan Char. If the cyclone shelters are meant for this purpose then government should divulge the matter to the public. Who will teach the Rohingyas in Bhashan Char? Does government have plan for that?

I think Bangladesh may goad on Myanmar to send some teachers so that the Rohingya children can get education in Burmese language. No matter on which sides of the border they will reside educated Rohingyas will be true asset for both the countries.

The accommodation in that area is for the Rohongyas. Camp area is environed by embankments to prevent high tides. No other infrastructure is spotted that could indicate humanitarian and aid organizations could stay there to continue their operations. Even outside teachers need to travel to and fro between Bhashan Char and other parts of Chattogram once a week.

So this free movement of goods and people needs to be addresses in the Bhasan Char Relocation plan. It is not clear what transportation system is going to be introduced there. Traditional sea truck, engine boats and vessels operated by Bangladesh Navy could be good options. Private sector never essayed the waterway to this little known shoal. I bet many donor agencies will espouse any genuine government initiative to install a transport system in this waterway.

As the uncertainties regarding the esoteric relocation plan looms large, there have been reports that Rohingyas are clearing the nearby forests for makeshift camps, causing further irritation to local population and administration. Grave concern is how long the hosting population will countenance conducts of contumacious camp dwellers.

Meanwhile, latest developments in the Rakhine State insinuate that the region is sucked into a secessionist maelstrom and both the feuding parties incurring heavy losses. This might encourage some quarters within the government to eschew the bilateral agreement it signed with the Myanmar government. It would be a mistake. I think we should stick to this plan. Oriental solution is the key to this problem. Other alternatives may prolong the crisis.

Many here loathe what the Tatmadaw did to the Rohingya population. Certainly these atrocities must not go unpunished. But there are international bodies who usually look into this kind of war crimes. Let Tatmadaw and international bodies hold the culprits accountable. But at any cost Bangladesh should not drag its feet into the internal turbulence of Myanmar. We have to keep it in mind Tatmadaw is running the country for a long period of time. It is the only monolithic organization in Myanmar that is capable of keeping the country stable. Despite several insurgencies on multiple fronts, its leverage on Myanmar and its people has not been compromised since it assumed power. Democracy is still in the embryonic stage and will not flourish without the support of Tatmadaw. And the truth is Tatmadaw is a unified organization. One can do a little research and find that number of defection is far higher in Bangladesh Armed forces than that in Tatmadaw. No mutiny has taken place in Tatmadaw in the last one decade. It is a disciplined organization, steered by a strong leadership.

This reality about Myanmar has already been understood by its neighbors who face similar problems like Banglades in dealing with Myanmar.

Recently, Bertil Linter in his report titled "The Real Driving Force Behind Myanmar's Opium Trade" , published on Asia Times, revealed that a UN agency for drugs and crimes , UNODC, did a survey on narcotics in Myanmar and found that most of the poppy cultivation took place in areas where Kachin Independence Army holds sway. KIA , however,put the blame on Tatmadaw-backed militia. What I find interesting is that none of them attacks these cash cows.

In one of my earlier post on Bangladesh's anti drug war, I put forward one interesting observation: both Bangladesh Army and KIA use Type-81 rifle as their standard issued rifle. In Bangladesh it is known as BD-08, which is being manufactured at state-run armaments production facility. KIA, a strategic ally of Arakan Army, might get the know-how from former PLA personnel. But this could be a mere coincidence. At the same time, yaba invasion from Myanmar lends credence to such suspicion. Recently, Bangladesh Army floated tender to issue new standard rifle along with BD-08. What prompted the Army to issue a new standard rifle surprised many observers.

Splintered or destabilized Myanmar is not to the best interest of Bangladesh. Imagine a worst case scenario where Myanmar has fallen into the hands of several insurgent groups. A fight for dominance will soon be ensued and Bangladesh may host another wave of refugees. In unruly Myanmar, its waters will become treacherous. Incidents of piracy may spiral up in the waters through which Bangladesh does maritime trade with rest of the world. Net result is our export and import will take a hit and inflationary pressure may make lives hard here. Clearly our policy makers and strategic thinkers are not ready for this kind of reality.

Bangladesh should take cue from Myanmar's formidable neighbors who maintain good relations with civil and military leadership in spite of being victims of demographic and drug invasion. For instance, Thailand houses millions of Myanmar refugees and fought a long drug war, worsened by Myanmar. Yet it made some kind of deal with Myanmar and significantly reduced the incidence of drug related problems. The country even awarded Myanmar's Chief of Army Staff its highest civilian award when he paid an official visit to Thailand last year.

Resisting the temptation to steps that may escalate tension, Bangladesh can replicate Myanmar neighbors' model to create a thaw in relations with it.

Reaching out to all levels of civil and military leadership in Myanmar will also set the path for resolving outstanding issues. We can invite Myanmar businessmen to invest in one of our special economic zones and allow Myanmar nationals to bank with our financial institutions. A retired Army officer who knows well how this kind of regime works in democratic transition period could be sent as High Commissioner to Myanmar to convey these messages.These initiatives will not only have profound implications for bilateral relations but for the region. By making them stakeholders of our economy, we will be able to make them understand the gravity of drug problem. Eventually they may go for dismantling the drug infrastructure along the Bangladesh border.

This idea of thawing relations may meet expostulations from certain quarters who hold animus towards Myanmar. But this one-to-one agreement with the help of oriental supports holds the key to a prosperous future for both the countries. It is indeed a good sign that we inked a deal with Myanmar to resolve the Rohingya issue. And we should stick to this plan till the end.